As the United States enters a period of transition in regard to their elected president, the world around this prosperous country is also preparing for shifts. Given the United State’s economic leadership and power in relation to other countries, the change in president means much more than a new president, it means a change in international relations and diplomacy. Most importantly, it can be the key factor that contributes to a developing country's ability to thrive and get a spot on the world stage. Because of this, it is important to consider what the Biden administration will be like for Latin America, a continent which for so long has suffered the dire effects of violence, drugs, and abuse of power.
During the Obama administration Biden became the representation of the US government in Latin America as he travelled extensively through the region while also becoming the public face of the 2015 Alliance for Prosperity plan. The plan pledged $1 billion to aid development and stability in Central America. However, when the plan was put to action around $750 million were approved, $252 million of which were used to improve “security assistance” that in turn evolved into increased militarized police forces, some of which participated in human rights abuses. An example of this as stated by The Intercept is the assassination of activists like Berta Cáceres in Honduras. Many state that one of the reasons for her eventual death on March 2nd, 2016 can be attributed to the increased weaponry that resulted from this plan, given that high executives and employees of the Honduran government were involved in plotting the murder. In other words, the problem with this initiative is that the money was used to fund security forces that then used that power to oppress people and continue the cycle of violence. Nevertheless, Biden has formulated a new plan, coined the “Biden Plan for Central America.” This plan has a budget of $4 billion dollars through the course of four years with the aim to fight corruption, reduce migration and human trafficking, and decrease poverty in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. The proposal itself has few details which sparks worry in the minds of some critics like Dana Frank, a professor of history at the University of California Santa Cruz as she states, “There is nothing in there about the enormous human rights crisis, and little to offer about building a functional state that should provide health care and other basic services. It’s all about extraction.” Nevertheless, there is hope that the resources discussed in Biden's new presidential plan will go not to further funding security or increasing militarization, but to tackling head on the human rights crisis that affect countries like Nicaragua, Honduras, and Venezuela.
Brazil and Mexico are both countries that have complex relationships with the United States, but for very different reasons. Jair Bolsonaro, the Brazilian president, was a strong supporter of Donald Trump given his extreme-right ideologies. The president claims that he is to wait until all the votes are counted to congratulate and acknowledge Biden. Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, the president of Mexico, has also withheld from congratulating Biden. This has come as a surprise to many, given the strained relationship between the Trump administration and that of Lopez Obrador, yet it does point towards resentment from the Mexican side. One thing is clear, Biden has vehemently confirmed that the wall Trump has been building during his presidency will not be continued.
As a senator Biden saw the many problems plaguing Colombia therefore he sat with Andres Pastrana, the president at that time, and designed the Plan Colombia whose goal was to help the country maintain a sense of stability and set it on a path to reduce the production of illicit drugs. Although the Plan Colombia did create a strong theoretical foundation for the reduction of violence and instability, there are battling perspectives on the level of efficacy of the plan. The Intercept states, “Plan Colombia only increased the emphasis on a heavy-handed, militarized response to the drug problem, pushing production and trafficking routes from more isolated to more populated parts of Colombia.” Representing a completely different perspective on the proposal, Dawn Paley, the author of “Drug War on Capitalism” stated that the plan was successful, “in terms of opening up the country’s economy and laying the groundwork for the Colombia–U.S. Free Trade Agreement.” Although the statement holds true, the numbers of violence and rates of cocaine exportation increased between 2003 and 2007. Some state that the reason behind the inefficiency of that part of the plan lies in the way the funding provided by the US government was implemented. It is believed that the portion of this money which served to fund the Colombian army resulted in the death of civilians under the pretence that they were guerrilla soldiers. This phenomenon is called “false positives” given that the government is made to believe that certain individuals or groups were parts of contraband groups in order to increase violence, when in reality they were merely civilians. Notwithstanding, the Plan Colombia also included positive improvements on the amount of drug production and aided development in the region. An example of this is the fumigation of illicit coca plantations and the collaboration between the United States and Colombia to help train farmers grow crops, rebuild schools, and create partnerships to take small producers’ products to market. Additionally, the Colombian military became much more efficient and effective resulting in its important role in multinational operational exercises. Because of Colombia’s strong military, they have trained over 11,000 police officers from 21 Latin American and African countries, as well as Afghanistan. There is an overall positive perspective regarding the Plan Colombia because it created a strong foundation to take action against the culture of drugs and violence plaguing the region. The Plan was not effective to put an end to guerrilla armies, but it was an important step in the campaign against drug trafficking and gave Colombia a role in global politics that it had not had before.
The president-elect has been critical and vocal regarding the dictatorial regime of Maduro in Venezuela. He has stated, like Trump, that Maduro is a “pure and simple dictator” as stated by AL DIA. Biden also recognizes self-proclaimed president Juan Guaido as the official leader of Venezuela. During his Vice Presidency alongside Barack Obama, oil sanctions were imposed on Venezuela, and Biden has stated he will continue to maintain them. Biden has also stated that he is open to the idea of meeting with Nicolás Maduro, an interesting prospect given that president Trump has offered $15 million in reward for the capture of the dictator. The meeting would serve the purpose of pressuring Maduro into holding a fair election which would give the public an opportunity to escape the horrible grasps of his dictatorial regime.
In terms of immigration, the Biden campaign website clearly states that he will “immediately do away with the Trump Administration's Draconian immigration policies.” Which includes getting rid of the Migrant Protection Protocols, asylum bans, family separation, and expanded detention.
The main differences between the Trump administration and what will be the Biden administration is the way of demanding change. Trump tackled problems by imposing strict economic sanctions and harsh enforcement, while Biden’s ideas are geared towards the belief that “the United States should be operating in mutual respect and a sense of shared responsibility,” as stated by Jake Sullivan, Joe Biden’s top foreign policy advisor. Biden’s plans seem to be a continuation of the work of the Obama administration, and although in some cases there have not been correct implementations of well-intentioned plans, there is hope that past mistakes will lend themselves to opportunities for growth and will result in true change.
There are many factors involved in stabilizing a region that has for so long been a victim of violence and insecurity, but the people of Latin America are prepared for change, and the United States plays a significant role in the viability of said change. Biden has proven to be willing to get involved in improving the conditions in Latin America, and the next four years will prove decisive in taking action and fighting against corruption. The fate of many countries in this continent now lies both in internal governance policies and in support from the United States in generating true stability and safety.
Written By: Carolina Mejia Rodriguez
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